I
Liberty finds no refuge in a jurisprudence of doubt. Yet, 19 years
after our holding that the Constitution protects a woman's right to terminate her
pregnancy in its early stages, Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), that definition of
liberty is still questioned. Joining the respondents as amicus curiae, the United States,
as it has done in five other cases in the last decade, again asks us to overrule Roe. See
Brief for Respondents 104-117; Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 8.
At issue in these cases are five provisions of the Pennsylvania
Abortion Control Act of 1982, as amended in 1988 and 1989. 18 Pa. Cons. Stat. §§
3203-3220 (1990). Relevant portions of the Act are set forth in the Appendix. Infra
at 60. The Act requires that a woman seeking an abortion give her informed consent prior
to the abortion procedure, and specifies that she be provided with certain information at
least 24 hours before the abortion is performed. § 3205. For a minor to obtain an
abortion, the Act requires the informed consent of one of her parents, but provides for a
judicial bypass option if the minor does not wish to or cannot obtain a parent's consent.
§ 3206. Another provision of the Act requires that, unless certain exceptions apply, a
married woman seeking an abortion must sign a statement indicating that she has notified
her husband of her intended abortion. § 3209. The Act exempts compliance with these three
requirements in the event of a "medical emergency," which is defined in § 3203
of the Act. See §§ 3203, 3205(a), 3206(a), 3209(c). In addition to the above provisions
regulating the performance of abortions, the Act imposes certain reporting requirements on
facilities that provide abortion services. §§ 3207(b), 3214(a), 3214(f). [505 U.S. 833,
845]
Before any of these provisions took effect, the petitioners, who are
five abortion clinics and one physician representing himself as well as a class of
physicians who provide abortion services, brought this suit seeking declaratory and
injunctive relief. Each provision was challenged as unconstitutional on its face. The
District Court entered a preliminary injunction against the enforcement of the
regulations, and, after a 3-day bench trial, held all the provisions at issue here
unconstitutional, entering a permanent injunction against Pennsylvania's enforcement of
them. 744 F. Supp. 1323 (ED Pa. 1990). The Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit affirmed
in part and reversed in part, upholding all of the regulations except for the husband
notification requirement. 947 F.2d 682 (1991). We granted certiorari. 502 U.S. 1056
(1992).
The Court of Appeals found it necessary to follow an elaborate
course of reasoning even to identify the first premise to use to determine whether the
statute enacted by Pennsylvania meets constitutional standards. See 947 F.2d, at 687-698.
And at oral argument in this Court, the attorney for the parties challenging the statute
took the position that none of the enactments can be upheld without overruling Roe v.
Wade. Tr. of Oral Arg. 5-6. We disagree with that analysis; but we acknowledge that our
decisions after Roe cast doubt upon the meaning and reach of its holding. Further, The
CHIEF JUSTICE admits that he would overrule the central holding of Roe and adopt the
rational relationship test as the sole criterion of constitutionality. See post, at
944,966. State and federal courts, as well as legislatures throughout the Union, must have
guidance as they seek to address this subject in conformance with the Constitution. Given
these premises, we find it imperative to review once more the principles that define the
rights of the woman and the legitimate authority of the State respecting the termination
of pregnancies by abortion procedures.
After considering the fundamental constitutional questions resolved
by Roe, principles of institutional integrity, [505 U.S. 833, 846] and the rule of stare
decisis, we are led to conclude this: the essential holding of Roe v. Wade should be
retained and once again reaffirmed.
It must be stated at the outset and with clarity that Roe's
essential holding, the holding we reaffirm, has three parts. First is a recognition of the
right of the woman to choose to have an abortion before viability and to obtain it without
undue interference from the State. Before viability, the State's interests are not strong
enough to support a prohibition of abortion or the imposition of a substantial obstacle to
the woman's effective right to elect the procedure. Second is a confirmation of the
State's power to restrict abortions after fetal viability if the law contains exceptions
for pregnancies which endanger the woman's life or health. And third is the principle that
the State has legitimate interests from the outset of the pregnancy in protecting the
health of the woman and the life of the fetus that may become a child. These principles do
not contradict one another; and we adhere to each.
II
Constitutional protection of the woman's decision to terminate her
pregnancy derives from the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. It declares
that no State shall "deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due
process of law." The controlling word in the cases before us is "liberty."
Although a literal reading of the Clause might suggest that it governs only the procedures
by which a State may deprive persons of liberty, for at least 105 years, since Mugler v.
Kansas, 123 U.S. 623, 660-661 (1887), the Clause has been understood to contain a
substantive component as well, one "barring certain government actions regardless of
the fairness of the procedures used to implement them." Daniels v. Williams, 474 U.S.
327, 331 (1986). As Justice Brandeis (joined by Justice Holmes) observed, [d]espite
arguments to the contrary which had seemed to me persuasive, it is settled that the due
process clause of the Fourteenth [505 U.S. 833, 847] Amendment applies to matters of
substantive law as well as to matters of procedure. Thus all fundamental rights comprised
within the term liberty are protected by the Federal Constitution from invasion by the
States. Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 373 (1927) (concurring opinion). [T]he
guaranties of due process, though having their roots in Magna Carta's "per legem
terrae" and considered as procedural safeguards "against executive
usurpation and tyranny," have in this country "become bulwarks also against
arbitrary legislation." Poe v. Ullman, 367 U.S. 497, 541 (1961) (Harlan, J.,
dissenting from dismissal on jurisdictional grounds) (quoting Hurtado v. California, 110
U.S. 516, 532 (1884)).
The most familiar of the substantive liberties protected by the
Fourteenth Amendment are those recognized by the Bill of Rights. We have held that the Due
Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment incorporates most of the Bill of Rights against
the States. See, e.g., Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 145, 147-148 (1968). It is tempting,
as a means of curbing the discretion of federal judges, to suppose that liberty
encompasses no more than those rights already guaranteed to the individual against federal
interference by the express provisions of the first eight amendments to the Constitution.
See Adamson v. California, 332 U.S. 46, 68-92 (1947) (Black, J., dissenting). But of
course this Court has never accepted that view.
It is also tempting, for the same reason, to suppose that the Due
Process Clause protects only those practices, defined at the most specific level, that
were protected against government interference by other rules of law when the Fourteenth
Amendment was ratified. See Michael H. v. Gerald D., 491 U.S. 110, 127-128, n. 6 (1989)
(opinion of SCALIA, J.). But such a view would be inconsistent with our law. It is a
promise of the Constitution that there is a realm of personal liberty which the government
may not enter. We have vindicated this principle before. Marriage is mentioned nowhere in
the Bill of Rights, and interracial marriage was illegal [505 U.S. 833, 848] in most
States in the 19th century, but the Court was no doubt correct in finding it to be an
aspect of liberty protected against state interference by the substantive component of the
Due Process Clause in Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 12 (1967) (relying, in an opinion
for eight Justices, on the Due Process Clause). Similar examples may be found in Turner v.
Safley, 482 U.S. 78, 94-99 (1987); in Carey v. Population Services International, 431 U.S.
678, 684-686 (1977); in Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 481-482 (1965), as well as
in the separate opinions of a majority of the Members of the Court in that case, id.
at 486-488 (Goldberg, J., joined by Warren, C.J., and Brennan, J., concurring) (expressly
relying on due process), id. at 500-502 (Harlan, J., concurring in judgment)
(same), id. at 502-507, (WHITE, J., concurring in judgment) (same); in Pierce v.
Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510, 534-535 (1925); and in Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390,
399-403 (1923).
Neither the Bill of Rights nor the specific practices of States at
the time of the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment marks the outer limits of the
substantive sphere of liberty which the Fourteenth Amendment protects. See U.S. Const.,
Amdt. 9. As the second Justice Harlan recognized:
[T]he full scope of the liberty guaranteed by the Due Process Clause
cannot be found in or limited by the precise terms of the specific guarantees elsewhere
provided in the Constitution. This "liberty" is not a series of isolated points
pricked out in terms of the taking of property; the freedom of speech, press, and
religion; the right to keep and bear arms; the freedom from unreasonable searches and
seizures; and so on. It is a rational continuum which, broadly speaking, includes a
freedom from all substantial arbitrary impositions and purposeless restraints, . . . and
which also recognizes, what a reasonable and sensitive judgment must, that certain
interests require particularly careful scrutiny of the state needs asserted to justify
their abridgment. Poe v. [505 U.S. 833, 849] Ullman, supra, 367 U.S., at 543
(dissenting from dismissal on jurisdictional grounds).
Justice Harlan wrote these words in addressing an issue the full
Court did not reach in Poe v. Ullman, but the Court adopted his position four Terms later
in Griswold v. Connecticut, supra. In Griswold, we held that the Constitution does
not permit a State to forbid a married couple to use contraceptives. That same freedom was
later guaranteed, under the Equal Protection Clause, for unmarried couples. See Eisenstadt
v. Baird, 405 U.S. 438 (1972). Constitutional protection was extended to the sale and
distribution of contraceptives in Carey v. Population Services International, supra.
It is settled now, as it was when the Court heard arguments in Roe v. Wade, that the
Constitution places limits on a State's right to interfere with a person's most basic
decisions about family and parenthood, see Carey v. Population Services International,
supra; Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494 (1977); Eisenstadt v. Baird, supra;
Loving v. Virginia, supra; Griswold v. Connecticut, supra; Skinner v.
Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U.S. 535 (1942); Pierce v. Society of Sisters, supra;
Meyer v. Nebraska, supra, as well as bodily integrity, see, e.g., Washington v.
Harper, 494 U.S. 210, 221-222 (1990); Winston v. Lee, 470 U.S. 753 (1985); Rochin v.
California, 342 U.S. 165 (1952).
The inescapable fact is that adjudication of substantive due process
claims may call upon the Court in interpreting the Constitution to exercise that same
capacity which, by tradition, courts always have exercised: reasoned judgment. Its
boundaries are not susceptible of expression as a simple rule. That does not mean we are
free to invalidate state policy choices with which we disagree; yet neither does it permit
us to shrink from the duties of our office. As Justice Harlan observed:
"Due process has not been reduced to any formula; its content
cannot be determined by reference to any code. [505 U.S. 833, 850] The best that can be
said is that, through the course of this Court's decisions, it has represented the balance
which our Nation, built upon postulates of respect for the liberty of the individual, has
struck between that liberty and the demands of organized society. If the supplying of
content to this Constitutional concept has, of necessity, been a rational process, it
certainly has not been one where judges have felt free to roam where unguided speculation
might take them. The balance of which I speak is the balance struck by this country,
having regard to what history teaches are the traditions from which it developed as well
as the traditions from which it broke. That tradition is a living thing. A decision of
this Court which radically departs from it could not long survive, while a decision which
builds on what has survived is likely to be sound. No formula could serve as a substitute,
in this area, for judgment and restraint." Poe v. Ullman, 367 U.S., at 542
(dissenting from dismissal on jurisdictional grounds).
See also Rochin v. California, supra, at 171-172
(Frankfurter, J., writing for the Court) ("To believe that this judicial exercise of
judgment could be avoided by freezing `due process of law' at some fixed stage of time or
thought is to suggest that the most important aspect of constitutional adjudication is a
function for inanimate machines, and not for judges").
Men and women of good conscience can disagree, and we suppose some
always shall disagree, about the profound moral and spiritual implications of terminating
a pregnancy, even in its earliest stage. Some of us as individuals find abortion offensive
to our most basic principles of morality, but that cannot control our decision. Our
obligation is to define the liberty of all, not to mandate our own moral code. The
underlying constitutional issue is whether the State can resolve these philosophic
questions in such a definitive way that a woman lacks all choice in the matter, except
perhaps [505 U.S. 833, 851] in those rare circumstances in which the pregnancy is itself a
danger to her own life or health, or is the result of rape or incest.
It is conventional constitutional doctrine that, where reasonable
people disagree, the government can adopt one position or the other. See, e.g., Ferguson
v. Skrupa, 372 U.S. 726 (1963); Williamson v. Lee Optical of Okla., Inc., 348 U.S. 483
(1955). That theorem, however, assumes a state of affairs in which the choice does not
intrude upon a protected liberty. Thus, while some people might disagree about whether or
not the flag should be saluted, or disagree about the proposition that it may not be
defiled, we have ruled that a State may not compel or enforce one view or the other. See
West Virginia Bd. of Ed. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943); Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397
(1989).
Our law affords constitutional protection to personal decisions
relating to marriage, procreation, contraception, family relationships, child rearing, and
education. Carey v. Population Services International, 431 U.S., at 685. Our cases
recognize the right of the individual, married or single, to be free from
unwarranted governmental intrusion into matters so fundamentally affecting a person as the
decision whether to bear or beget a child. Eisenstadt v. Baird, supra, 405 U.S., at
453 (emphasis in original). Our precedents "have respected the private realm of
family life which the state cannot enter." Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158, 166
(1944). These matters, involving the most intimate and personal choices a person may make
in a lifetime, choices central to personal dignity and autonomy, are central to the
liberty protected by the Fourteenth Amendment. At the heart of liberty is the right to
define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of
human life. Beliefs about these matters could not define the attributes of personhood were
they formed under compulsion of the State. [505 U.S. 833, 852]
These considerations begin our analysis of the woman's interest in
terminating her pregnancy, but cannot end it, for this reason: though the abortion
decision may originate within the zone of conscience and belief, it is more than a
philosophic exercise. Abortion is a unique act. It is an act fraught with consequences for
others: for the woman who must live with the implications of her decision; for the persons
who perform and assist in the procedure; for the spouse, family, and society which must
confront the knowledge that these procedures exist, procedures some deem nothing short of
an act of violence against innocent human life; and, depending on one's beliefs, for the
life or potential life that is aborted. Though abortion is conduct, it does not follow
that the State is entitled to proscribe it in all instances. That is because the liberty
of the woman is at stake in a sense unique to the human condition, and so, unique to the
law. The mother who carries a child to full term is subject to anxieties, to physical
constraints, to pain that only she must bear. That these sacrifices have from the
beginning of the human race been endured by woman with a pride that ennobles her in the
eyes of others and gives to the infant a bond of love cannot alone be grounds for the
State to insist she make the sacrifice. Her suffering is too intimate and personal for the
State to insist, without more, upon its own vision of the woman's role, however dominant
that vision has been in the course of our history and our culture. The destiny of the
woman must be shaped to a large extent on her own conception of her spiritual imperatives
and her place in society.
It should be recognized, moreover, that in some critical respects,
the abortion decision is of the same character as the decision to use contraception, to
which Griswold v. Connecticut, Eisenstadt v. Baird, and Carey v. Population Services
International afford constitutional protection. We have no doubt as to the correctness of
those decisions. They support [505 U.S. 833, 853] the reasoning in Roe relating to the
woman's liberty, because they involve personal decisions concerning not only the meaning
of procreation but also human responsibility and respect for it. As with abortion,
reasonable people will have differences of opinion about these matters. One view is based
on such reverence for the wonder of creation that any pregnancy ought to be welcomed and
carried to full term, no matter how difficult it will be to provide for the child and
ensure its wellbeing. Another is that the inability to provide for the nurture and care of
the infant is a cruelty to the child and an anguish to the parent. These are intimate
views with infinite variations, and their deep, personal character underlay our decisions
in Griswold, Eisenstadt, and Carey. The same concerns are present when the woman confronts
the reality that, perhaps despite her attempts to avoid it, she has become pregnant.
It was this dimension of personal liberty that Roe sought to
protect, and its holding invoked the reasoning and the tradition of the precedents we have
discussed, granting protection to substantive liberties of the person. Roe was, of course,
an extension of those cases and, as the decision itself indicated, the separate States
could act in some degree to further their own legitimate interests in protecting prenatal
life. The extent to which the legislatures of the States might act to outweigh the
interests of the woman in choosing to terminate her pregnancy was a subject of debate both
in Roe itself and in decisions following it.
While we appreciate the weight of the arguments made on behalf of
the State in the cases before us, arguments which in their ultimate formulation conclude
that Roe should be overruled, the reservations any of us may have in reaffirming the
central holding of Roe are outweighed by the explication of individual liberty we have
given, combined with the force of stare decisis. We turn now to that doctrine. [505
U.S. 833, 854]
III
A
The obligation to follow precedent begins with necessity, and a
contrary necessity marks its outer limit. With Cardozo, we recognize that no judicial
system could do society's work if it eyed each issue afresh in every case that raised it.
See B. Cardozo, The Nature of the Judicial Process 149 (1921). Indeed, the very concept of
the rule of law underlying our own Constitution requires such continuity over time that a
respect for precedent is, by definition, indispensable. See Powell, Stare decisis
and Judicial Restraint, 1991 Journal of Supreme Court History 13, 16. At the other
extreme, a different necessity would make itself felt if a prior judicial ruling should
come to be seen so clearly as error that its enforcement was, for that very reason,
doomed.
Even when the decision to overrule a prior case is not, as in the
rare, latter instance, virtually foreordained, it is common wisdom that the rule of stare
decisis is not an "inexorable command," and certainly it is not such in
every constitutional case, see Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., 285 U.S. 393, 405-411
(1932) (Brandeis, J., dissenting). See also Payne v. Tennessee, 501 U.S. 808, 842 (1991)
(SOUTER, J., joined by KENNEDY, J., concurring); Arizona v. Rumsey, 467 U.S. 203, 212
(1984). Rather, when this Court reexamines a prior holding, its judgment is customarily
informed by a series of prudential and pragmatic considerations designed to test the
consistency of overruling a prior decision with the ideal of the rule of law, and to gauge
the respective costs of reaffirming and overruling a prior case. Thus, for example, we may
ask whether the rule has proven to be intolerable simply in defying practical workability,
Swift & Co. v. Wickham, 382 U.S. 111, 116 (1965); whether the rule is subject to a
kind of reliance that would lend a special hardship to the consequences of overruling and
add inequity to the cost of repudiation, e.g., United States v. Title Ins. & Trust
[505 U.S. 833, 855] Co., 265 U.S. 472, 486 (1924); whether related principles of law have
so far developed as to have left the old rule no more than a remnant of abandoned
doctrine, see Patterson v. McLean Credit Union, 491 U.S. 164, 173-174 (1989); or whether
facts have so changed, or come to be seen so differently, as to have robbed the old rule
of significant application or justification, e.g., Burnet, supra, 285 U.S. at 412
(Brandeis, J., dissenting).
So in this case, we may enquire whether Roe's central rule has been
found unworkable; whether the rule's limitation on state power could be removed without
serious inequity to those who have relied upon it or significant damage to the stability
of the society governed by it; whether the law's growth in the intervening years has left
Roe's central rule a doctrinal anachronism discounted by society; and whether Roe's
premises of fact have so far changed in the ensuing two decades as to render its central
holding somehow irrelevant or unjustifiable in dealing with the issue it addressed.